On Leaving (October 21st, 2015)
Hey
all,
First
things first: I'm writing this with the full realization that
discontinuing my JVP membership will likely be of little interest to
anyone aside from myself. And I'm aware that writing this may appear
a bit self-indulgent. Granted. That said, I'm hoping this to be a
useful exercise for sorting things in my mind and that maybe there's
a possibility of it being interesting/useful to someone else dealing
with similar or related issues.
JVP
is an excellent organization and doing important work. This includes
the Chicago Chapter. I'll be happy to see it continue as I believe,
on balance, it's helping to create awareness of Israel's abuse of
Palestine, the Palestinians, and the U.S. But I've been bumping up
against some “identity” issues (kinda hate that term, but...),
and other concerns, that I can't square myself with as relates to
JVP. Some bigger issues, some smaller. They add up and I can't shake
'em. It doesn't feel “right” for me personally. But to be sure:
It's an “It's not you, it's me” thing.
My
impression is that the most upfront and important aspect of many
folks' “identity” in this chapter, and the organization's
identity itself, is that they're Jewish. Or, if it's not always put
forward as the primary identifier, it's consistently projected as
close to the top. I'm a Jew as well, but that aspect of my identity
doesn't rate so high in my own “identity hierarchy.” And while
that aspect of myself is one of the reasons I'm compelled to be
informed on the Palestine issue and to try in some way to act, I'm
not comfortable with it being so consistently front and center in the
message. For me, JVP too often over-emphasizes our being Jewish in
its work on the conflict. It seems that events/issues related to the
conflict are too often cast through a “Jewish” (or worse, “Jewish
Values”) lens when they don't need to be. It feels like putting the
messenger above the message. And I'm not comfortable with that. I
don't think it's necessarily wrong. It just doesn't gel with my ideas
on how to “frame” the work, and who I am personally.
A
friend I made on my recent delegation to Palestine told me she
thought that because I was a Jew, I carried a certain legitimacy and
authority when speaking on the issue that she couldn't carry. While
there's an obvious truth and logic there that I acknowledge, I feel
it's a logic that needs, eventually, to be trumped and replaced by a
higher, more pure logic; A logic that aligns itself more closely with
justice than with ethnicity, race, or religion.
In
just one of The Jewish State's many ironies, it is Israel itself
which seems to have forced us into emphasizing the “Jewishness”
in our criticisms of its actions, while it simultaneously works
overtime at lowering the world's expectations of what that
“Jewishness” might even be. I'm not ok with allowing Israel to
dictate the terms of how I communicate, frame, message, or debate on
this issue. And “non-Jews,” like my friend who feels she carries
less legitimacy speaking on the conflict simply because she wasn't
born a Jew, shouldn't be ok with it either. Allowing ourselves to
fall into the trap of over-emphasizing, as some kind of credibility
crutch, the fact that we're Jews when we speak out against Israel's
crimes helps to turn the debate more broadly into being about the
messengers instead of the message, and that can easily be
unintentionally perceived as divisive. There's a real danger there.
People
say, “Be the change you wish to see in the world.” Yes, that
cliché is admittedly kinda cheesy. But there's something to it. If I
want to see a world where Jews aren't automatically bestowed, through
an accident of birth, some kind of artificial “street-cred” over
non-Jews when it comes to criticizing Israel, I should certainly
include myself, right? There's a parallel to this idea in the civil
rights movement of the 60s; or the current fight against systemic
racism against black people in America today. Does a white person in
America have to point out their “whiteness” to legitimate their
criticism of systemic racism in the U.S.? Does/should a white
American's criticism of racism against blacks carry more weight than,
say, an Asian American's or a black American's if they're all saying
the same things? Of course the “not in my name” aspect of
someone's critique can have meaning and force. But, again, it
shouldn't be over-emphasized or even seen as a necessity as this
emphasis has the potential danger of overshadowing the main issue.
I'll grant that my threshold of where this becomes “over-emphasis”
may be comparatively low. It is what it is.
JVP's
identification with religion is also a problem for me, as I'm not a
“believer” or “person of faith.” There's the Rabbinical
Council (that's a lotta Rabbis up in there!), with a few of them
regularly being out-front as spokespeople for the organization. And a
good percentage of the members I've come across (in person or online)
consider themselves, from what I can tell, to be practicing Jews -
“practicing,” of course, being a rather fluid and loosely defined
activity in the Jewish community. This leads to my getting a lot of
messages and reminders about religious holidays in which I have no
interest. This is certainly no big deal... Just kind of annoying.
Likely on a par for many being deluged with unwanted “Merry
Christmas” messaging for 1-2 months out of the year. I would never
begrudge anyone's belief in G*d, and I'm a million miles away from
the attitudes of the “new atheists” (Dawkins, Hitchens, Harris,
etc.). I regularly find their presentations to be somewhat
simplistic, self-absorbed, narrow-minded, and often plainly rude. But
I never went to Hebrew School, never had a Bar Mitzvah, and have
never considered myself religious. On my most optimistic days, I'm
firmly agnostic. So JVP's religious component is a turn-off for me.
The irony of this is that my attitudes on Zionism/Israel align most
closely with some ultra-orthodox Jews (True Torah Jews, Neturei
Karta, etc.).
On
to the Z word: Non-Zionist vs. Anti-Zionist, and to Zionism
generally. I've arrived at the impression that JVP, for whatever
reason, prefers the term “non-Zionist” over “anti-Zionist” in
reference to itself and its values. This also seems to be the case
for Tzedek Chicago, which has strong ties to the Chicago JVP chapter.
Do JVP & Tzedek (among others...) consider these two terms to be
similar or even the same? I can “kind of” understand a person
thinking that these two terms are close in meaning. But I'm not one
of those people.
The
prefix “non” is mainly defined, and used, in the neutral sense.
It can be used otherwise, but that's not its main usage nor its
primary definition. So in the term “non-Zionist,” it basically
functions as the word “not.” If
I tell you that I'm “not from Iowa,” what does that tell you
about where I'm from? Right. Nothing. If I tell you I'm “not
Buddhist,” what does that tell you about my attitude toward
Buddhism? Right... Almost nothing. And it sure doesn't tell you that
I'm an “anti-Buddhist.” I don't think the context of the
conversation necessarily changes that meaning,
either.
The
obvious, and much more commonly used, prefixes to denote being for or
against something are pro- & anti-. They're more common because
they're CLEAR. So to me, the term “non-Zionist”
connotes a certain neutrality toward Zionism. Since I'm absolutely
anti-Zionist, I have a problem associating too closely with an
organization that considers itself “non-Zionist.” In my mind, if
you're “neutral” regarding Zionism, your neutral regarding
Israel's policies, crimes, worldview, etc. (see next paragraph). And
that's quite obviously not ok from my point of view. Nor, as I
understand it, from JVP's. This is not semantic, linguistic
nitpickery. It's very important in terms of ideology, messaging and
“framing” and I know JVP takes that stuff very seriously; as it
should. As Zinn said, “You can't be neutral on a moving train.”
And it should be plain to all that Zionism is a moving train.
My
assumption is that the argument in favor of using the term
non-Zionism, or even “Liberal-Zionism,” over the term
anti-Zionism is that historically there have been different strains
of Zionism and that they had different goals, practices, ethics,
etc.; ie: Cultural Zionism, Religious Zionism, Christian Zionism,
Practical Zionism, Political Zionism, Messianic Zionism, etc... So I
further assume that a “non-Zionist” is believes that some forms
of Zionism were acceptable, but not others.
But
there's Zionism in theory, and then there's Zionism in practice with
its results “on the ground,” if you will. Whatever
“strains/forms” of Zionism a “non-Zionist” may believe was
the righteous one (I'm waiting for the “Compassionate Zionism”
political party candidate to emerge...), the Zionism that has emerged
as the undeniably dominant version for a very long time now is the
version which occupies Palestine, is political and nationalist in
nature, discriminates, murders, etc. The “political vs. cultural”
competition within Zionism is over. The political/nationalist form
won.
And
whether there was ever a truly clear, total separation between these
two basic conceptualizations of Zionism is debatable. As early as
1914, Horace Kallen wrote about practical and political Zionists,
“there can be no 'cultural center' without a political center.”
For someone as prominent in the Zionist movement as Kallen to write
such a thing, as early in the movement as he did, is instructive. My
understanding is that there are many other people, events, and quotes
that argue toward the idea that the “political” and “cultural”
versions of Zionism were never quite so very separate and unique from
one another in practice. The romanticization of the early Zionists
and kibbutzim as a group of agrarian, open society sweethearts is in
line with other types of mythifications of the creation of Israel.
I'm not claiming to be an expert, but this is what I've come to
understand.
JVP's
relationship with Alison Weir is another issue for me. And as you
know, in this I am not alone. Unless one is prone to simplistically
write off Weir as “racist,” it's a complicated issue. I've read
all the statements from the parties involved and I absolutely do not
believe Weir to be racist, anti-Semitic, etc. I've known about Weir's
work and organization (IAK) for a long time, as I assume you have as
well. About four years ago I met her at the Tree of Life conference
in Old Lyme, CT where she politely allowed me film her presentation.
Without going into too much detail, I agree with Weir's position that
her being ostracized from JVP and U.S. Campaign to End the Occupation
was basically an overblown “guilt by association” verdict and
action. Weir is a major figure in the movement who has brought a
principled, clear awareness of the facts and media coverage on the
issue of Palestine to the American public for a long time. It feels
wrong for her to have been so abruptly thrown under the bus for, what
I see as, relatively weak reasons. It was, so to speak, a very
disproportionate response.
Straining
to make it appear as though Weir is herself racist/anti-Semitic
simply because she granted some interviews to questionable, sometimes
offensive, radio programs was a mistake in my opinion. In my view,
JVP should've simply stated being against Weir's policy to
occasionally appear for interviews on programs known to embrace
racist rhetoric because merely appearing on those shows could be
perceived, wrongly, as being supportive of those views. [Keep in
mind, I write this not knowing whether or not Weir knew beforehand
about the attitudes of these interviewers.] That would've been a
reasonable statement to make as some kind of beginning to a dialogue
on the issue. In my opinion, it's relatively easy to imagine
convincing arguments on both sides of that issue. So publicly
ostracizing Weir from the movement for having a difference of opinion
on whether or not to do interviews on such shows was completely
unnecessary.
But
again, straining instead to simply paint Weir as a racist
anti-Semite, and using that accusation as the means for forcing her
out of the coalition, begs the question of whether there may have
been reasons aside from the weak accusations of racism for wanting
this to go down. This thought occurs to me only because I've met a
good amount of people in JVP, at essentially all levels in the
organization, and my feeling is that on average, most JVPers are too
intelligent to have leapt to the exaggerated and unsubstantiated
conclusion that Weir is herself racist/anti-Semitic. Maybe if she'd
simply been asked by JVP and others in the Solidarity movement to
stop appearing on certain programs moving forward, she'd have agreed?
I obviously don't know. Maybe she actually was given this
opportunity? I don't know. It feels as though some pertinent details
about the genesis of the situation between JVP, Campaign to End the
Occupation, and Alison Weir/IAK remain unknown. Or that at least many
more reasonable and less destructive options were unfortunately not
considered before the scene went down. For those truly interested in,
and troubled by, this situation, speculation is likely to continue.
As fruitless as that speculation is likely to be, I am not immune to
it.
One
last fruitless speculation on Weir/JVP: In addition to the weak
accusations of racism/anti-Semitism, the Z word feels like it may
have played a part in driving JVP's dealings with Weir. Considering
what I perceive as JVP's position on Zionism (see above) vs. Weir's
more straight-forward anti-Zionist stance (strongly evidenced in her
recent book, to say the least), it seems this difference could be one
of the reasons for JVP's cutting ties with Weir. Again, this is pure
speculation. I just want to be honest and open about my thoughts:
JVP's excision of Weir from the broader Solidarity coalition they're
a part of feels like a calculated “strategy over principle” move.
A type of ends justifying the means. The “ends,” in this case,
seeming to be building up JVP's membership numbers by being “tough
on racism,” while doing their best not to alienate anyone who may
self-identify in any way as “Zionist.” Two birds, one stone. It's
a very “political” type of strategy and during my brief time with
the Chicago Chapter I did sense that things were tending toward a
politically strategic direction.
Lastly,
a few less important things that, for me, are still worth briefly
mentioning. A good many JVP meetings and communications that I've
attended and received have recently been calling for pushing to gain
more “power.” Actually attaching that word/language to social
justice work makes me uncomfortable. You can say it's merely a
semantic point and that wanting “power” can simply mean having
the desire to be able to get things done. And you wouldn't
necessarily be wrong. But unfortunately I've got an oddly strong
attachment to language and words, and I have a very specific reaction
to that word when used in political and activist contexts. And it's
not a positive reaction. I can't get past it and I'm sure it doesn't
really need much explication. Power corrupts, power concedes nothing
without a demand, the road to hell is paved with good intentions,
yada yada. The film Primary Colors comes to mind.
Another
language issue for me is that labeling your values as “Jewish”
hints at the need or belief in attaching some sort of
cultural/ethnic/religious ownership to a “value” or set of
values. I consistently hear Jewish activists (not just JVPers) state
that valuing social justice, equal rights, etc. is a Jewish thing.
That they are “Jewish Values.” Well, they're not. They're a
conscientious person thing. Labeling these values as Jewish nearly
comes off as a type marketing to me; a kind of “branding” of
Jewishness. That's offensive to me and, quite unfortunately, it's
rather Israeli-like. Whether it's with conscious intent or not,
labeling these “values” as Jewish (or Christian, black, feminist,
whatever...) is narrow, exclusionary, self-serving, and maybe more
importantly, very possibly counterproductive. It's another way of
placing the messenger above the message. And like the word “power,”
I can understand someone feeling I'm simply being semantic here about
labeling “values.” But the term “Jewish Values” really
doesn't sit well with me. And because it's used so consistently, it's
a problem.
Perhaps
my thoughts here can essentially be boiled down to something written
by Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi. In his Original Sins: Reflections on
the History of Zionism and Israel (New
York: Olive Branch Press, 1992-1993), Beit-Hallahmi
writes about the relatively high level of Jewish success in the
modern world, due in part to many
Jews' gradual secularization.
He points to Marx, Freud, and
Einstein as examples of this phenomenon and writes that,
“They are Jews minus Jewishness[.]” While I personally
represent the opposite of the type of modern success represented by
the likes of Marx, Freud, and Einstein, I may have something in
common with them yet: Being a Jew minus the Jewishness.
I'm
not looking to burn any bridges. But if that happens, I understand.
If you all ever need an event videotaped, please email me! Peace to
JVP,
John
Dworkin
Uncivil Rites: The Bitter and the Tweet
(Book Review - 10/12/2015)
On Leaving (October 21st, 2015)
Hey all,
Uncivil Rites: The Bitter and the Tweet
Hey all,
First
things first: I'm writing this with the full realization that
discontinuing my JVP membership will likely be of little interest to
anyone aside from myself. And I'm aware that writing this may appear
a bit self-indulgent. Granted. That said, I'm hoping this to be a
useful exercise for sorting things in my mind and that maybe there's
a possibility of it being interesting/useful to someone else dealing
with similar or related issues.
JVP
is an excellent organization and doing important work. This includes
the Chicago Chapter. I'll be happy to see it continue as I believe,
on balance, it's helping to create awareness of Israel's abuse of
Palestine, the Palestinians, and the U.S. But I've been bumping up
against some “identity” issues (kinda hate that term, but...),
and other concerns, that I can't square myself with as relates to
JVP. Some bigger issues, some smaller. They add up and I can't shake
'em. It doesn't feel “right” for me personally. But to be sure:
It's an “It's not you, it's me” thing.
My
impression is that the most upfront and important aspect of many
folks' “identity” in this chapter, and the organization's
identity itself, is that they're Jewish. Or, if it's not always put
forward as the primary identifier, it's consistently projected as
close to the top. I'm a Jew as well, but that aspect of my identity
doesn't rate so high in my own “identity hierarchy.” And while
that aspect of myself is one of the reasons I'm compelled to be
informed on the Palestine issue and to try in some way to act, I'm
not comfortable with it being so consistently front and center in the
message. For me, JVP too often over-emphasizes our being Jewish in
its work on the conflict. It seems that events/issues related to the
conflict are too often cast through a “Jewish” (or worse, “Jewish
Values”) lens when they don't need to be. It feels like putting the
messenger above the message. And I'm not comfortable with that. I
don't think it's necessarily wrong. It just doesn't gel with my ideas
on how to “frame” the work, and who I am personally.
A
friend I made on my recent delegation to Palestine told me she
thought that because I was a Jew, I carried a certain legitimacy and
authority when speaking on the issue that she couldn't carry. While
there's an obvious truth and logic there that I acknowledge, I feel
it's a logic that needs, eventually, to be trumped and replaced by a
higher, more pure logic; A logic that aligns itself more closely with
justice than with ethnicity, race, or religion.
In
just one of The Jewish State's many ironies, it is Israel itself
which seems to have forced us into emphasizing the “Jewishness”
in our criticisms of its actions, while it simultaneously works
overtime at lowering the world's expectations of what that
“Jewishness” might even be. I'm not ok with allowing Israel to
dictate the terms of how I communicate, frame, message, or debate on
this issue. And “non-Jews,” like my friend who feels she carries
less legitimacy speaking on the conflict simply because she wasn't
born a Jew, shouldn't be ok with it either. Allowing ourselves to
fall into the trap of over-emphasizing, as some kind of credibility
crutch, the fact that we're Jews when we speak out against Israel's
crimes helps to turn the debate more broadly into being about the
messengers instead of the message, and that can easily be
unintentionally perceived as divisive. There's a real danger there.
People
say, “Be the change you wish to see in the world.” Yes, that
cliché is admittedly kinda cheesy. But there's something to it. If I
want to see a world where Jews aren't automatically bestowed, through
an accident of birth, some kind of artificial “street-cred” over
non-Jews when it comes to criticizing Israel, I should certainly
include myself, right? There's a parallel to this idea in the civil
rights movement of the 60s; or the current fight against systemic
racism against black people in America today. Does a white person in
America have to point out their “whiteness” to legitimate their
criticism of systemic racism in the U.S.? Does/should a white
American's criticism of racism against blacks carry more weight than,
say, an Asian American's or a black American's if they're all saying
the same things? Of course the “not in my name” aspect of
someone's critique can have meaning and force. But, again, it
shouldn't be over-emphasized or even seen as a necessity as this
emphasis has the potential danger of overshadowing the main issue.
I'll grant that my threshold of where this becomes “over-emphasis”
may be comparatively low. It is what it is.
JVP's
identification with religion is also a problem for me, as I'm not a
“believer” or “person of faith.” There's the Rabbinical
Council (that's a lotta Rabbis up in there!), with a few of them
regularly being out-front as spokespeople for the organization. And a
good percentage of the members I've come across (in person or online)
consider themselves, from what I can tell, to be practicing Jews -
“practicing,” of course, being a rather fluid and loosely defined
activity in the Jewish community. This leads to my getting a lot of
messages and reminders about religious holidays in which I have no
interest. This is certainly no big deal... Just kind of annoying.
Likely on a par for many being deluged with unwanted “Merry
Christmas” messaging for 1-2 months out of the year. I would never
begrudge anyone's belief in G*d, and I'm a million miles away from
the attitudes of the “new atheists” (Dawkins, Hitchens, Harris,
etc.). I regularly find their presentations to be somewhat
simplistic, self-absorbed, narrow-minded, and often plainly rude. But
I never went to Hebrew School, never had a Bar Mitzvah, and have
never considered myself religious. On my most optimistic days, I'm
firmly agnostic. So JVP's religious component is a turn-off for me.
The irony of this is that my attitudes on Zionism/Israel align most
closely with some ultra-orthodox Jews (True Torah Jews, Neturei
Karta, etc.).
On
to the Z word: Non-Zionist vs. Anti-Zionist, and to Zionism
generally. I've arrived at the impression that JVP, for whatever
reason, prefers the term “non-Zionist” over “anti-Zionist” in
reference to itself and its values. This also seems to be the case
for Tzedek Chicago, which has strong ties to the Chicago JVP chapter.
Do JVP & Tzedek (among others...) consider these two terms to be
similar or even the same? I can “kind of” understand a person
thinking that these two terms are close in meaning. But I'm not one
of those people.
The
prefix “non” is mainly defined, and used, in the neutral sense.
It can be used otherwise, but that's not its main usage nor its
primary definition. So in the term “non-Zionist,” it basically
functions as the word “not.” If
I tell you that I'm “not from Iowa,” what does that tell you
about where I'm from? Right. Nothing. If I tell you I'm “not
Buddhist,” what does that tell you about my attitude toward
Buddhism? Right... Almost nothing. And it sure doesn't tell you that
I'm an “anti-Buddhist.” I don't think the context of the
conversation necessarily changes that meaning,
either.
The
obvious, and much more commonly used, prefixes to denote being for or
against something are pro- & anti-. They're more common because
they're CLEAR. So to me, the term “non-Zionist”
connotes a certain neutrality toward Zionism. Since I'm absolutely
anti-Zionist, I have a problem associating too closely with an
organization that considers itself “non-Zionist.” In my mind, if
you're “neutral” regarding Zionism, your neutral regarding
Israel's policies, crimes, worldview, etc. (see next paragraph). And
that's quite obviously not ok from my point of view. Nor, as I
understand it, from JVP's. This is not semantic, linguistic
nitpickery. It's very important in terms of ideology, messaging and
“framing” and I know JVP takes that stuff very seriously; as it
should. As Zinn said, “You can't be neutral on a moving train.”
And it should be plain to all that Zionism is a moving train.
My
assumption is that the argument in favor of using the term
non-Zionism, or even “Liberal-Zionism,” over the term
anti-Zionism is that historically there have been different strains
of Zionism and that they had different goals, practices, ethics,
etc.; ie: Cultural Zionism, Religious Zionism, Christian Zionism,
Practical Zionism, Political Zionism, Messianic Zionism, etc... So I
further assume that a “non-Zionist” is believes that some forms
of Zionism were acceptable, but not others.
But
there's Zionism in theory, and then there's Zionism in practice with
its results “on the ground,” if you will. Whatever
“strains/forms” of Zionism a “non-Zionist” may believe was
the righteous one (I'm waiting for the “Compassionate Zionism”
political party candidate to emerge...), the Zionism that has emerged
as the undeniably dominant version for a very long time now is the
version which occupies Palestine, is political and nationalist in
nature, discriminates, murders, etc. The “political vs. cultural”
competition within Zionism is over. The political/nationalist form
won.
And
whether there was ever a truly clear, total separation between these
two basic conceptualizations of Zionism is debatable. As early as
1914, Horace Kallen wrote about practical and political Zionists,
“there can be no 'cultural center' without a political center.”
For someone as prominent in the Zionist movement as Kallen to write
such a thing, as early in the movement as he did, is instructive. My
understanding is that there are many other people, events, and quotes
that argue toward the idea that the “political” and “cultural”
versions of Zionism were never quite so very separate and unique from
one another in practice. The romanticization of the early Zionists
and kibbutzim as a group of agrarian, open society sweethearts is in
line with other types of mythifications of the creation of Israel.
I'm not claiming to be an expert, but this is what I've come to
understand.
JVP's
relationship with Alison Weir is another issue for me. And as you
know, in this I am not alone. Unless one is prone to simplistically
write off Weir as “racist,” it's a complicated issue. I've read
all the statements from the parties involved and I absolutely do not
believe Weir to be racist, anti-Semitic, etc. I've known about Weir's
work and organization (IAK) for a long time, as I assume you have as
well. About four years ago I met her at the Tree of Life conference
in Old Lyme, CT where she politely allowed me film her presentation.
Without going into too much detail, I agree with Weir's position that
her being ostracized from JVP and U.S. Campaign to End the Occupation
was basically an overblown “guilt by association” verdict and
action. Weir is a major figure in the movement who has brought a
principled, clear awareness of the facts and media coverage on the
issue of Palestine to the American public for a long time. It feels
wrong for her to have been so abruptly thrown under the bus for, what
I see as, relatively weak reasons. It was, so to speak, a very
disproportionate response.
Straining
to make it appear as though Weir is herself racist/anti-Semitic
simply because she granted some interviews to questionable, sometimes
offensive, radio programs was a mistake in my opinion. In my view,
JVP should've simply stated being against Weir's policy to
occasionally appear for interviews on programs known to embrace
racist rhetoric because merely appearing on those shows could be
perceived, wrongly, as being supportive of those views. [Keep in
mind, I write this not knowing whether or not Weir knew beforehand
about the attitudes of these interviewers.] That would've been a
reasonable statement to make as some kind of beginning to a dialogue
on the issue. In my opinion, it's relatively easy to imagine
convincing arguments on both sides of that issue. So publicly
ostracizing Weir from the movement for having a difference of opinion
on whether or not to do interviews on such shows was completely
unnecessary.
But
again, straining instead to simply paint Weir as a racist
anti-Semite, and using that accusation as the means for forcing her
out of the coalition, begs the question of whether there may have
been reasons aside from the weak accusations of racism for wanting
this to go down. This thought occurs to me only because I've met a
good amount of people in JVP, at essentially all levels in the
organization, and my feeling is that on average, most JVPers are too
intelligent to have leapt to the exaggerated and unsubstantiated
conclusion that Weir is herself racist/anti-Semitic. Maybe if she'd
simply been asked by JVP and others in the Solidarity movement to
stop appearing on certain programs moving forward, she'd have agreed?
I obviously don't know. Maybe she actually was given this
opportunity? I don't know. It feels as though some pertinent details
about the genesis of the situation between JVP, Campaign to End the
Occupation, and Alison Weir/IAK remain unknown. Or that at least many
more reasonable and less destructive options were unfortunately not
considered before the scene went down. For those truly interested in,
and troubled by, this situation, speculation is likely to continue.
As fruitless as that speculation is likely to be, I am not immune to
it.
One
last fruitless speculation on Weir/JVP: In addition to the weak
accusations of racism/anti-Semitism, the Z word feels like it may
have played a part in driving JVP's dealings with Weir. Considering
what I perceive as JVP's position on Zionism (see above) vs. Weir's
more straight-forward anti-Zionist stance (strongly evidenced in her
recent book, to say the least), it seems this difference could be one
of the reasons for JVP's cutting ties with Weir. Again, this is pure
speculation. I just want to be honest and open about my thoughts:
JVP's excision of Weir from the broader Solidarity coalition they're
a part of feels like a calculated “strategy over principle” move.
A type of ends justifying the means. The “ends,” in this case,
seeming to be building up JVP's membership numbers by being “tough
on racism,” while doing their best not to alienate anyone who may
self-identify in any way as “Zionist.” Two birds, one stone. It's
a very “political” type of strategy and during my brief time with
the Chicago Chapter I did sense that things were tending toward a
politically strategic direction.
Lastly,
a few less important things that, for me, are still worth briefly
mentioning. A good many JVP meetings and communications that I've
attended and received have recently been calling for pushing to gain
more “power.” Actually attaching that word/language to social
justice work makes me uncomfortable. You can say it's merely a
semantic point and that wanting “power” can simply mean having
the desire to be able to get things done. And you wouldn't
necessarily be wrong. But unfortunately I've got an oddly strong
attachment to language and words, and I have a very specific reaction
to that word when used in political and activist contexts. And it's
not a positive reaction. I can't get past it and I'm sure it doesn't
really need much explication. Power corrupts, power concedes nothing
without a demand, the road to hell is paved with good intentions,
yada yada. The film Primary Colors comes to mind.
Another
language issue for me is that labeling your values as “Jewish”
hints at the need or belief in attaching some sort of
cultural/ethnic/religious ownership to a “value” or set of
values. I consistently hear Jewish activists (not just JVPers) state
that valuing social justice, equal rights, etc. is a Jewish thing.
That they are “Jewish Values.” Well, they're not. They're a
conscientious person thing. Labeling these values as Jewish nearly
comes off as a type marketing to me; a kind of “branding” of
Jewishness. That's offensive to me and, quite unfortunately, it's
rather Israeli-like. Whether it's with conscious intent or not,
labeling these “values” as Jewish (or Christian, black, feminist,
whatever...) is narrow, exclusionary, self-serving, and maybe more
importantly, very possibly counterproductive. It's another way of
placing the messenger above the message. And like the word “power,”
I can understand someone feeling I'm simply being semantic here about
labeling “values.” But the term “Jewish Values” really
doesn't sit well with me. And because it's used so consistently, it's
a problem.
Perhaps
my thoughts here can essentially be boiled down to something written
by Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi. In his Original Sins: Reflections on
the History of Zionism and Israel (New
York: Olive Branch Press, 1992-1993), Beit-Hallahmi
writes about the relatively high level of Jewish success in the
modern world, due in part to many
Jews' gradual secularization.
He points to Marx, Freud, and
Einstein as examples of this phenomenon and writes that,
“They are Jews minus Jewishness[.]” While I personally
represent the opposite of the type of modern success represented by
the likes of Marx, Freud, and Einstein, I may have something in
common with them yet: Being a Jew minus the Jewishness.
I'm
not looking to burn any bridges. But if that happens, I understand.
If you all ever need an event videotaped, please email me! Peace to
JVP,
John
Dworkin
Uncivil Rites: The Bitter and the Tweet
(Book Review - 10/12/2015)
Steven Salaita writes, “Was I actually hired? According to contract law and hiring protocol, yes” (29). This hiring is the starting point of a frustrating, if not entirely surprising or unusual, series of unfortunate events which led directly to the publication of Salaita's appropriately scathing Uncivil Rites (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2015). The book casts an extremely wide net. But when your subjects are freedom of speech and the Palestine conflict, the related issues are vast...
Click this link for the full published review @ CounterPunch: The Bitter and the Tweet
Unpublished/Untitled Op-ed - August 22, 2015
Over 40 U.S. lawmakers, mainly freshman members of congress including
Mike Bost and Bob Dold from Illinois, returned from their educational
trip to the holy land of Israel earlier this month. Coincidentally, I
happened to be in Israel at the same time. My trip, organized by
Interfaith Peace-Builders (IFPB), included 18 other travelers and was
also geared toward first-hand educational experience.
Aside from timing, these trips were likely quite dissimilar. IFPB travelers paid their own way, journeying out of personal conviction; not out of obligation to their livelihoods. By contrast, our lawmakers' trip was tied to their jobs and paid for by the American Israel Education Foundation (AIEF): a “charitable organization affiliated with AIPAC,” according to its rather brief webpage.
AIPAC is America's leading conservative pro-Israel lobby, which, as reported in Roll Call in 2011, also pays Richard Fishman's (AIEF's executive director) $395,000 annual salary. Rules prohibit lobbies from paying for congressional trips, which “tend to be nothing but lobbying,” according to Craig Holman from watchdog group Public Citizen, in Roll Call. As for nonprofits getting around these rules, Holman goes on to say, “I call it the AIPAC loophole.” Lose the spin, and these AIEF sponsored trips are more like Birthright trips for congress.
The trip's leader, Rep. Steny Hoyer (D-Md.), says the trip was scheduled to “meet with key Israeli and Palestinian leaders,” including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Israeli President Reuven Rivlin, Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas, U.S. Ambassador to Israel Dan Shapiro, and take a trip to Israel's Holocaust Museum. Considering former Jerusalem Post columnist Larry Derfner wrote for +972mag.com in 2012 that “Abbas... and the PA are not the Palestinians' leaders; they never were...,” this itinerary from Hoyer sounds anything but representative in terms of gaining insight from both Palestinian and Israeli communities.
Had these congresspeople been on IFPB's trip, they would have received a more informative experience. They would have spent the night with Palestinian hosts at Askar refugee camp in Nablus the night after 18 month-old Ali Dawabsha was murdered by suspected Israeli settlers just south of the camp. The father died of his burns a few days later. They would have met Israeli refusenik Sahar Vardi in occupied East Jerusalem and been invited by her to attend the Gay Pride rally later that night where another Israeli extremist stabbed six people, murdering one. The congresspeople would have gone to Bethlehem to meet soft-spoken Nora Carmi, representing the Palestinian Christian organization Kairos Palestine. They would have met multiple Palestinian Youth organizations in Silwan, Jaffa, and via Skype in Gaza. They would have met Jewish Israelis such as Bob Lang, an Israeli originally from New York living in the illegal settlement of Efrat, and a woman at the Kfar Aza kibbutz who spoke of her Zionism and commitment to the Jewish State.
According to the U.S. House of Representatives Office of the Clerk website, AIEF's previous congressional trip in 2013 included a visit (labeled “Living with the threat of rockets” in the AIEF itinerary) to the same kibbutz IFPB visited.1 They undoubtedly received a briefing on the trauma of living close to Gaza's Israeli policed border and the occasional incoming rocket fire. On the other hand, they likely did not meet with Israeli Nomika Zion, who spoke to IFPB for over an hour in nearby Sderot, a community famous for receiving this rocket fire. In addition to detailing the trauma of her her own life under threat of rocket fire, the freshman congresspeople would have also witnessed Nomika stating that Israel has “built a system which humiliates another people... [and is] a relationship of masters and slaves.” But I doubt this kind of information/education is what the AIEF pays for our congress to hear.
John Dworkin is a Chicago resident, recently returned from a two week long delegation to Israel/Palestine, and is a member of the Chicago Chapter of Jewish Voice for Peace
1http://clerk.house.gov/GTImages/MT/2013/500010331.pdf
Losing
public opinion on BDS, activists turn to ‘lawfare’
(May 22nd, 2015)
Champions
of proposed Senate Bill SB1761, which passed both houses of the
Illinois General Assembly May 18th, say it’s designed to fight
anti-Semitic activism and protects Israel from the existential threat
posed by the Boycott, Divestment, & Sanctions movement (BDS).
Opponents of the bill say it places the economic welfare of Israel
before U.S. interests, tacitly endorses the full annexation of the
West Bank into Israel, and violates our country’s First Amendment
rights. The bill’s opponents are right.
See full article @ Mondoweiss here: BDS / Lawfare
Speaker of the House John Boehner proposes Constitutional Amendment
by John Dworkin - Jan. 23, 2015
Washington, D.C - Just days after House Speaker John Boehner (R-OH) extended his own congressional invitation to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu without consulting President Obama, Boehner has proposed legislation for the first constitutional amendment in 23 years.
“I
think it's the right time,” said Boehner of the proposed amendment.
“If having an Israeli American President keeps us safe from Iran
and the terrorists, then I'll do what needs to be done,” Boehner
said. “If we can have an African American president, why can't we
have an Israeli American president? I mean, Africa and Israel share a
border. It's really just nitpicking.”
The
proposed amendment would allow Israeli citizens to run for the
American presidency by creating a so-called 'exceptionalism
provision' to the constitution granting Israelis 'dual natural born'
citizenship status when requested. Asked whether the amendment
conflicted with George Washington’s famous 'passionate attachment'
concept from his farewell address, Boehner replied, “The terrorists
cannot win.”
“We
feel the amendment is overdue given our Special Relationship with
Israel. It's pure anti-Semitism to deny Israelis the right to run for
our highest office,” an anonymous source from Boehner's office
said. In tears, the source added, “Have we Jews not suffered
enough?”
The
amendment is being drafted by legal scholar and The Case For
Israel author Alan Dershowitz. “It should be seen as a natural
extension of our two Nations' shared Democratic values and dedication
to exceptionalism. This is the one I've been waiting for my whole
life!,” Dershowitz said, bowing slightly and turning eastward.
“Oh
that'd be exceptional alright!,” former Republican presidential
candidate Ron Paul said from his hospital bed. Now reported in stable
condition, Paul suffered what doctors have termed a “mild, stress
induced myocardial infarction” brought on by the news of the
proposed amendment.
Both
Fox News and The New York Times have already confirmed their future
endorsements of presumptive candidate Netanyahu. In a joint statement
from the Times' writers Ethan Bronner (former Jerusalem Bureau
Chief), David Brooks, and Isabel Kershner, they conclude, “...and
since we all have, or have had, children serving in the Israeli
Defense Forces, we consider our endorsement a show of support for our
troops. God forbid anything should happen to our children. Je suis
Israel!,” referencing the recent killings in Paris.
Reports
of waning support for Netanyahu’s upcoming campaign from inside
Israel have prompted his aides to start “thinking outside the box,”
an anonymous Likud party aide told this reporter. “The box being
Israel,” added the aide.
In
their 87th interview to date, Netanyahu told Fox News
interviewer Sean Hannity yesterday, regarding his possible run for
the White House, “I just hope the American people appreciate what
I'm doing for them.” Hannity replied, “So do I, sir. So do I.
You're a great American.”
Relative
Normal
Normal
- that's the watchword. During our 2015, July/August InterFaith Peace-Builder
delegation's first meeting here in Palestine, the phrase “a normal
life,” and the general idea of “normalcy” was repeated by those
speaking to us at the Youth Center in the al-Bustan neighborhood of
Silwan. Our guide for the day spoke of just wanting a normal life.
His village of Silwan suffers regular home demolitions which
systematically displace Palestinians as part of this ongoing Israeli
public policy. It's also known for its high rate minors (children)
being illegally apprehended by heavily armed soldiers, often in the
dead of night, and taken into administrative detention.
Muslim,
a 15 year old boy from Silwan, spoke to us about being arrested 15
times - presumably for throwing stones - since he was 9 years old.
For Muslim and hundreds of other minors subject to administrative
detention, being arrested often means being beaten, deported out of
your hometown or village, being separated for extended periods from
your family, being afforded no legal representation, having no formal
charge lodged against you, etc... One of Muslim's arrests had him
jailed for 8 days, forcing him to miss a good amount of school while
he was confined to a prison cell. When asked by a member of our
delegation what the jail was like, he replied, “4 walls. No sun.
No air.” This is the current “normal” in Silwan and many
other Palestinian villages and refugee camps.
Our
delegation's next meeting, via Skype, was with an American Friends
Service Committee youth group in Gaza. Throughout the discussion with
these young adults from Gaza (which is quite literally the world's
largest open air prison), the desire for a “normal life” was
specifically mentioned again. Despite being periodically assaulted
over the last 6-7 years (2008-09 Operation Cast Lead, 2012 Operation
Pillar of Defense, 2014 Operation Protective Edge, etc...), leveling
their infrastructure, killing thousands, including hundreds of
children, creating mass unemployment, etc., these kids keep moving
forward. This is their “normal” since the illegal blockade of
collective punishment was imposed on Gaza by Israel in 2007. These
youth somehow remain vital and actually retain a sense of humor in
their talk with our delegation. It is near miraculous.
In
solidarity circles, the term “normalization” is oft used and is a
big term in the Boycott, Divestment, & Sanctions movement. Our
meeting with one of the main leaders of this movement, Omar
Barghouti, touched on this normalization concept. There are many
interpretations and shades of what this concept means, but in a
general way, it means if one tries to simply make the occupation more
comfortable to live under, as opposed to resisting it, one
“normalizes” the occupation. Situation normal... SNAFU.
When
we met with Nomika Zion (Other Voices) in Sderot, she told us that in
most all of Israeli society, “[T]he occupation is
second nature... [This] means you don't see it anymore.” This
is another way of saying that it has become normalized. And she meant
this in the most negative sense. She also directly referred to the
situation between Sderot and Gaza as “abnormal.” Since the
illegal blockade of Gaza, Sderot is one of the Israeli towns close
enough to the Gaza border to consistently receive their retaliatory
rocket fire. Nomika's two references to normality were extremely
tame compared to other criticisms she had for Israeli action, policy
and society. For someone who has lived under the threat of rocket
attacks from Gaza to still be so honestly self-critical of her own
society's behavior and policy is brave and illuminating. She is a
living lesson.
When
Benjamin Netanyahu and countless other politicians and pundits refer
to Israel as “the only Democracy in the Middle East,” they are
trying to convince the West that we share a similar standard of
democratic “normalcy.” And when seen through the prism of other
colonial enterprises historically, Israel's illegal occupation and
systematic abuse of International Law can appear, in away, normal.
But in another much more profound way, when seen up close and in
detail, it's gruesomely abnormal. They've transformed a perverse
abnormality into their own, relatively unique, normalcy.
Israel's
normalization of the abnormal is mirrored in the U.S. by the alarming
rate of our cops killing our own innocent, unarmed black civilians.
The situation in the states is not as bad as in Israel, but the
parallels are clear. And this is not to minimize what is happening to
black men and women in the U.S. It feels like it's getting
noticeably worse by the week. Reading about another U.S. police officer killing another unarmed black civilian in our newspapers back home is becoming way too normal.
Last
March in Haaretz, Anshel Pfeffer wrote this of Israelis' relationship
to their own country: “Deep
down, they know normalcy is an illusion.” But it's
not an illusion. It's
a choice. They're choosing supremacy over normalcy.
So
what's the “normal” bottom line? I see both Israel and the U.S.
espousing a desire for creating a normal situation for the
Palestinians and
Israelis,
while actively working against one. Their conception of “normal”
for the Palestinians seems unfortunately, and thoroughly, linked to
their own
control
and repression of another people. On the other hand, everything I've
heard and seen here from the Palestinians themselves during
our delegation points
to their conception of “normal” as containing true universal and
equal human rights. Something much closer to what true democratic
(and hopefully still, American) ideals represent. It's about freedom,
equality and justice. Got Normal?
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